Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Terry Fox Run Returns to Cuba


Relatives of Canadian Terry Fox will visit Cuba for the first time to take part in the 12th edition of the Terry Fox Run on March 20 throughout the island, reported Juventud Rebelde newspaper on Wednesday.

The annual Marathon of Hope carries on the effort of Fox who in 1980, three years after losing a leg to osteosarcoma, attempted to run across Canada to raise awareness of the disease.

Terry’s mother and father Betty and Rolly, and sister Judith Fox-Alder, president of the Terry Fox Foundation, will arrive in Havana for a week’s stay staring on March 17, informed the event’s organizers on Tuesday.

See the Havana Times photo feature on the 2009 Terry Fox Run.

Letter to the Ontario and Federal NDP


Letter NDP

Saskatchewan: The roots of discontent and protest


Saskatchewan has been an anchor for the political left in Canada. The progressive farmers' movements were joined by trade unionists and others to create the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and then the New Democratic Party (NDP). Why did social democracy find its North American home in a sparsely populated prairie province?

This is the first book since Seymour Martin Lipset's Agrarian Socialism (1950) to offer an overall political economy analysis of the development of Saskatchewan. There has been ongoing discontent over the fact that the provincial economy remains based on agriculture and the extraction and export of natural resources. Its major contribution to the rest of Canada is a well trained labour force.

No matter which direction you head - north, south, east or west - all you find is the great open space of the prairie. Isolation is part of the psyche of this sparsely populated prairie province, and this abundance of great open space has uniquely shaoped the people, their politics, their economy, and their relationship with the rest of North America.

While progressive on many fronts, Saskatchewan is tormented in other areas. Racism directed primarily against Aboriginal people remains deeply entrenched. Traditional patriarchal values are stronger here than elsewhere in Canada. The province is struggling with environmental change brought by free trade capitalism, global warming and climate change. The progressive populism of the past appears to be giving way to a right wing populism as support for the Canadian Alliance/Conservative Party and the Saskatchewan Party increases. Is the political culture changing? Are there any new political forces on the horizon?

Knowing that history is necessary to understanding how a society came to be what it is today, and using the broad, interdisciplinary social science approach of political economy analysis, Warnock traces Saskatchewan's past in an attempt to understand the present and glimpse the future. Along the wary, he tells the story of Saskatchewan, from inception to centennial.

JOHN W. WARNOCK teaches in the Department of Sociology and Social Studies at the University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan. He has a long history of involvement in political, human rights, social justice, and environmental organizations and is well known as a popular journalist. He has been a farmer and a consultant on food and agricultural issues. His books include The Politics of Hunger: The Global Food System, Free Trade and the New Right Agenda, and The Other Mexico: The North American Triangle Completed.

Table of Contents
1 Saskatchewan in the Era of North American Integration
2 Economics, Political Economy and Human Society
3 The World of Capitalism
4 Saskatchewan as a Permanent Hinterland Area
5 Saskatchewan and the Wheat Economy
6 The Political Economy of Racism
7 The Roots of Racism in Saskatchewan
8 The Persistence of Patriarchy in Saskatchewan
9 Populism of the Political Left and Right
10 Forest Resources in Economic Development
11 The Struggle Over Resource Royalties
12 Social Democracy on the Prairies
13 The NDP and Structural Adjustment
14 Building an Alternative to Neoliberalism

427 pp. Cover art by Mike Steadman entitled "We Remain."
Paperback ISBN: 1-55164-244-1 C$29.99

Order your copy today at Black Rose Books.

Tuesday, March 9, 2010

The Coup in Chile: The Other 9/11

By PAUL CANTOR
Counterpunch

Why did Osama bin Laden choose September 11 for his attack on America?

On September 11, 1973 a military coup d'état supported by the administration of President Richard M. Nixon in the United States put an end to the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile. After the coup Nixon supported both diplomatically and economically the military Junta that seized power. The junta, led by Augusto Pinochet, arrested, tortured and murdered thousands of Allende's supporters.

It is not farfetched, therefore, to suppose bin Laden chose September 11 in order to make us look like the pot calling the kettle black when we charged him with being an antidemocratic religious fundamentalist. And if that is the case the choice was well made.

In the past the U.S. supported the repressive regimes of Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua, Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, Suharto in Indonesia and Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines. In addition it helped to overthrow the democratically elected governments of Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran and Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala. Yet as a textbook example of how the U.S. has violated human rights and the enlightenment ideals embodied in its constitution while undermining democracy and the rule of law in another country nothing surpasses Chile.

Chile before the coup was the most democratic country in Latin America and one of the most democratic countries in the world. It had a democratically elected President and a democratically elected two house legislature, an independent judiciary, a free and active press, and prestigious universities. Allende ran for President in 1952, 1958, and 1964 but it wasn't until 1970 when he ran as the candidate of a coalition of parties called the Popular Unity that he finally won.

During the time Allende was President the opposition published six daily newspapers in Santiago with a weekday circulation of 541,000 while pro-government forces published only 5 with a circulation of 312,000. Additionally, the opposition controlled the majority of radio stations and most of the newspapers and magazines circulating outside of Santiago. Nevertheless, in the congressional elections that took place six months before the coup the Popular Unity parties that supported Allende picked up six seats in the house and two seats in the Senate.

Yet despite Allende's popularity and respect for the democratic process, powerful heads of multinational corporations with disproportionate influence in Washington were hostile to him. They were hostile before he was elected because he threatened to nationalize their investments in Chile and hostile after he was elected because he carried out his threats.

Consequently, when Allende ran for President in 1964 President Johnson ordered the CIA to support a propaganda campaign to discredit him. Then, after a similar campaign failed in 1970 President Nixon and his national security advisor Henry Kissinger directed the CIA to promote a coup d'état. And finally, after the coup took place, Nixon and Kissinger looked the other way as the military Junta led by Pinochet unleashed a wave of violence and repression far worse than anything Chileans imagined could occur.

Thousands of Allende's supporters were arrested, tortured and murdered. Thousands more were exiled. The Congress and labor unions were abolished. Political parties were banned. The press was censored. Military officials were appointed as rectors of the universities. Books were burned. The music of popular folk singers was prohibited and Victor Jara, one of the best known of those singers, was arrested, tortured and killed.

Hence if Osama bin Laden wanted to make the point that the United States lacks credibility as an arbiter of democracy he could not have chosen a better date to carry out his attack on America than September 11. That may be a hard pill for us to swallow but swallow it we must if we are to learn from the past and work to change our image so others view us as a country whose actions in the international arena reflect our democratic ideals.

Renewing Socialism

Transforming Democracy, Strategy and Imagination
New edition
By Leo Panitch

This new edition adds an in-depth interview to seven key essays. The interview asks: What impact is American imperialism having on left strategies in various parts of the world today? What common interests work for solidarity and against divisions of race, gender and class? As Green parties turn towards market socialism, what space is left for a red-green anti-capitalist coalition? Can new socialist parties avoid mistakes of communist and social democratic parties in the twentieth century?

The essays address key questions of left strategy: rethinking revolutionary and reformist practices, the strengths and weaknesses of the old and new left; the fall of communist regimes (with personal observations from 1990); the dialogue between democracy and Marxism; Marx’s Manifesto in contemporary perspective; class analysis and new strategies for labour in the context of globalization; and the role of hope and imagination in envisioning a socialist future. Reviews of the first edition “a wonderful writer who bridges the disjuncture between theory and political praxis. This is an important book in both scholarly and political terms.”—John C. Berg, Suffolk University “Panitch’s work is consistently characterized by intelligence, rigor, and commitment. A highly original contribution.”—David Abraham, University of Miami.

Contents

◦Preface
◦Introduction—Rethinking Revolution and Reform in Capitalist Democracies
◦Observations on Communism’s Demise
◦Liberal Democracy and Socialist Democracy
◦The Political Legacy of The Communist Manifesto Today
◦Globalization and Left Strategies
◦Bringing Class Back In: Reflections on Strategy for Labour
◦Transcending Pessimism: Rekindling Socialist Imagination
◦New Directions for the Left: An Interview

About the Author

Leo Panitch is a Distinguished Research Professor, renowned political economist, Marxist theorist and editor of the Socialist Register. He received a B.A. (Hons.) from the University of Manitoba in 1967 and a M.Sc.(Hons.) and PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science in 1968 and 1974, respectively. He was a Lecturer, Assistant Professor, Associate Professor and Professor at Carleton University between 1972 and 1984. He has been a Professor of Political Science at York University since 1984. He was the Chair of the Department of Political Science at York from 1988-1994. He was the General Co-editor of State and Economic Life series, U. of T. Press, from 1979 to 1995 and is the Co-founder and a Board Member of Studies in Political Economy. He is also the author of numerous articles and books dealing with political science including The End of Parliamentary Socialism (1997). He was a member of the Movement for an Independent and Socialist Canada, 1973-1975, the Ottawa Committee for Labour Action, 1975-1984, the Canadian Political Science Association, the Committee of Socialist Studies, the Marxist Institute and the Royal Society of Canada. He is currently a supporter of the Socialist Project.

Monday, March 8, 2010

Has the Popular Resistance Begun?

Contributed by John W. Warnock
Act Up in Saskatchewan

Over the past year and a half the general population has sat quietly by as governments everywhere have introduced numerous programs to bail out banks and large corporations. Governments have been printing money, and debt and budget deficits have balooned. Very little of the massive government spending programs has gone to assist people who have lost their jobs or their homes.

Now governments are going to have to pay for the bailouts. And guess who is going to have to tighten their belts?

The silence and apathy of the great majority may be ending. In Iceland and Greece we are seeing popular resistance to the right wing policies being imposed by their governments. European politicians and businessmen are fearful that the emerging popular movement will spread to Portugal, Spain, Ireland and even the United Kingdom, the countries with the most significant debt problems.

Iceland – a country goes bankrupt

The first country to go bankrupt was Iceland. Its conservative and social democratic governments privatized and deregulated the state banks. The liberated banks engaged in wild Ponzi schemes which brought the whole financial system down. When they went bankrupt, they left a debt that was five times as great as Iceland’s gross domestic product. The governments of Great Britain and The Netherlands demanded that the people of Iceland compensate for the losses incurred by their citizens.

However, the people of Iceland said no. Why should they have to pay for the fraudulent pyramid schemes of the private bankers? Their unending mass demonstrations against the parliament brought down the Independence Party-Social Democratic Alliance government.

An election was held. But the new government, led by the social democrats in partnership with the Left-Green Movement, caved in to international finance and proposed paying $5.3 billion in compensation. The President, petitioned by the people, and observing the mass demonstrations, refused to sign the legislation and instead called for a referendum.

Last Saturday, March 6, the people of Iceland spoke. 93% voted “no” to the proposed compensation bill. Enough is enough.

The Greek government confronts the workers

In the 1990s Greek governments of the rightist New Democracy and the social democratic PASOK, followed Bill Clinton and Tony Blair and privatized and deregulated the economy, especially the finance sector. It is now known that they deliberately misled their people and the European Union by publishing false data on the economy. The huge debt of the government cannot be paid, no one will buy Greek government bonds, and the European Union is struggling to find a way to keep the country from going bankrupt.

In October 2009 PASOK won the national election. They were supported by the two major trade union confederations: ADEDY, representing public sector workers and GSEE, representing unions in the private sector. Between them they represent 2.5 million workers, roughly 50% of the workforce.

The new PASOK government has introduced policies to help pay for the debt. These include raising the retirements age by two years, a percentage reduction in the wages of all public sector workers, and a wide range of cuts in social services. They will increase the taxes on fuel and the VAT, a general consumption tax.

But the Greek population is also in a resistance mode. Demonstration opposed to the government’s program have been occurring across the country for several months. A general strike was held on February 24, and another is scheduled for March 15.

Members of PAME, the trade unions with links to KKE, the Greek communist party, have occupied the Ministry of Finance. Workers who were laid off after the national airline was privatized have occupied the General Accounting Bureau, which falsified official government data.

Resistance is strong in Greece because of the militant position taken by the KKE and its trade unions, working with the new Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a Green left political party and movement, now in parliament. While the leaders of the trade union centrals opposed a strike against “their government”, the rank and file have ignored them and gone into the streets.

What will happen next? The leader of the opposition in Ireland states that if the government gives any more money to Ireland’s banks, there will be mass demonstrations and strikes.

John W. Warnock is a Regina political economist.

Saturday, March 6, 2010

8th of March International woman’s day: In search of lost memory

IOF – Sempreviva Organização Feminista

The main historical reference of the origins of the International woman’s day is the second international socialist women’s conference in 1910, in Copenhagen, Denmark, when Clara Zetkin proposed a resolution to officially create an international woman’s day. In the resolution there is no allusion to the 8th March. Clara only mentioned the idea of following the example of the American socialist women. It is sure that it was from this moment on that the commemorations began to be of international character, expanding through Europe, motivated by the organisation and initiative of socialist women.

This and other historical sources intrigued the researcher Renée Coté to an extent that she published, in 1984 in Canada, her exciting research searching for the lost link(s) from the history of the International Woman’s Day.

Renée, as part of her research, rediscovered the history of the American socialist feminists who tried to retrieve – from the whirlwind of history of the workers struggles during the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century – the intense participation of women workers, and to make visible their demonstrations, their strikes, their capacity for autonomous organisation of struggles, highlighting the fight for the women’s right to vote, in other words, universal suffrage. Using this rediscovery as a base, she hypothesises about why these historical records have been overlooked or why they have been lost with time.

What is clear, from Coté’s research, is that the reference to an 8th March, or an American women workers strike, to a women’s demonstration or to a women’s day is not registered in any of the sources researched during that period, mainly in the newspapers and socialist press of the day.

There were strikes and repressions of workers in the period from the late 19th century to 1908, but none of those events is related to the death of women in New York, which is supposed to have given rise to women’s day. Coté’s conclusion from this research is that there was no heroic strike, be it in 1857 or in 1908, but a heroic feminism that struggled hard to strengthen itself between American woman workers. The search for the 8th March retraced the American women socialists’ struggle for an autonomous existence.

The sources found, reveal the following: The first “Woman’s Day” was held on the 3rd May 1908, in Chicago, presided by Lorine S. Brown, documented by the monthly newspaper “The Socialist Woman”. The
commemoration was held in Garrick Theather, with the participation of 1500 women that “applauded the demands for economical and political equality of women, on the day dedicated to the female workers’ causes.” This day was dedicated to the female workers’ causes, denouncing the exploitation and oppression of women, but defending, principally, the female vote. Equality between men and women, women’s autonomy, and, consequently, the women’s vote, was defended, inside and outside of the party.

In 1909, Woman’s Day was an official activity of the socialist party and was organised by the women’s national committee, celebrated on the 28th February. The press at the time talked of a “woman suffrage meeting”, for the voting of women, in New York. 

Coté found that the American socialists suggested the last Sunday of February as Women’s Day, but in the beginning, it ended up being celebrated on several different dates. Growing numbers of women workers adhered to the Day, including strikers, and women’s participation continued to increase.

The newspapers mention New York’s International Woman’s Day the 27th February 1910, in Carnegie Hall, with 3.000 women, where the principal associations in favour of woman’s vote gathered. This meeting was organised by socialist women but nonsocialist women participated as well.

It is registered that there was a long strike of New York’s shirtwaist makers that lasted from November 1909 to February 1910, in which 80% of the strikers were women. The strike ended 12 days before Woman’s Day. This was the first woman’s strike of great amplitude, denouncing the conditions of life and work of these women, and demonstrating the courage of these tailors, receiving mass support. Many of these workers participated in Woman’s Day and enlarged the struggle for the right to vote (conquered in 1920 in all states in the USA).

Clara Zetkin, a German socialist, proposed that the Woman’s Day or Women’s Day become “a special day, a yearly celebration of women, following the example of our American sisters.” Zetkin also suggests, in a newspaper article in the German magazine Diegleicheit, of the 28th August 1910, that the main theme should the struggle for women’s right to vote.

In 1911, International Women’s Day was celebrated by German women on the 19th of March, and by Swedish women together with the 1st of May, etc. In short, it was celebrated on different days.

In 1913, in Russia, under the Czarism regime, the first International Day of Women Workers for the right to vote was held. The Russian women workers participated in this meeting, in Petrograd, and were repressed. In 1914, all the organisers of the International Woman’s Day in Russia were arrested, which made commemoration of the day impossible.

In 1914, the International woman’s day in Germany was dedicated to women’s right to vote. And it was celebrated for the first time on the 8th March, as far as we can understand, due to the convenience of the date that year.

The European Socialists coordinated the celebrations for the right to vote, connecting it to women’s political emancipation, but the date was decided in each country, but in this continent during the war years, International Woman’s Day was not given so much attention.

Another interesting reference, that indicates the origins of the 8th March as International Woman’s Day, is the link between this date and the active participation of Russian women workers in actions that led to the Russian Revolution of 1917. A political action of Russian women workers on the 8th March – according to the Gregorian calendar – or the 23rd February – according to the Russian calendar – precipitated the beginning of the revolutionary actions that brought victory to the Russian revolution.

Alexandra Kolontai, a feminist leader of the socialist revolution, wrote about the fact and about the 8th March but, curiously, it disappeared from the history of the event. She wrote, “The Women Workers’ Day on the 8th March 1917 was a memorable day in history. The revolution of February had just begun.” The fact is also mentioned by Trotski, leader of the revolution, in the History of Russian Revolution. In the text it is clear that the women began the general strike, going bravely out into the streets of Petrograd, on International Woman’s Day, against hunger, war and czarism. Trotski wrote, “23 February (8th March) was International Woman’s Day and meetings and actions were foreseen. But we did not imagine that this ‘Women’s Day’ would inaugurate the revolution. Revolutionary actions were foreseen but without date. But in morning, despite the orders to the contrary, textile workers left their work in several factories and sent delegates to ask for support of the strike… which led to mass strike... all went out into the streets.”

We can therefore see that the revolution began as a consequence of popular organisation that overcame the opposition of the party leaders. The initiative came from the most exploited and oppressed women workers: the textile women workers. The number of strikers was around 9.000, the majority women. From these reports, we understand that Women’s Day was the victor, was massive, but without victims.

Renée Coté found 1921 documents of the Communist Women’s International Conference where “a Bulgarian comrade proposes the 8th March as the official date for International woman’s day, in remembrance of the Russian women’s initiative.”

After 1922, International woman’s day is officially celebrated on the 8th March.

This history got lost in the official history records of both the socialist movement and  history of the period. It is part of the historical and political past of women and of feminist movement of socialist origin in the beginning of the century.

Some European feminists in the 70s, unable to find the concrete reference to the textile workers in a fire in 1857, in New York, considered it a mythical fact. But this hypothesis was discarded due to the sheer number of facts and events linking the origins of International Woman’s Day to left-wing American women.

Several hypotheses have been raised about the 8th March and missing links, in the search for deeper understanding.

It is a fact that in New York, USA, the textile workers had denounced their conditions of life and work and were also going on strike. This moment of women workers’ organisation was part of a bigger historical process of social transformation that made it possible for women to fight for their rights, for equality and autonomy, participating in the social and political context that motivated the creation of an International Woman’s Day that represented women’s struggles, conquests and the need for organisation. It is therefore necessary to connect the threads of histories in this period together.

To this end, there is a report that needs to have its sources checked, synthesised by Gladys Gassen (in a text for FETAG2 rural workers), indicating that, in March 1911, 18 days after woman’s day and not in 1857, “in a badly ventilated textile factory that occupied the last three floors of a 10-story building of the Triangle Shirtwaist Company, NY, a fire started which involved 500 women – young women, Jewish women and
Italian immigrants – that were working under precarious conditions, with the floor covered with materials and inflammable waste everywhere, no emergency exits, no fire hoses... To “prevent the interruption of work” the company had locked the door with a key. When the firemen were finally able to reach the floors where the women were the women were, 147 women had already died, carbonised or crushed on the pavement, where they had thrown themselves in desperation. After this tragedy, a Factory Investigation Committee was created in New York, a committee that had been requested 50 years previously. This is how the history of health and life protection laws began. The trade union leader Rosa Schiederman organised the presence of 12.000 women at the funeral of the women factory workers to express their sorrow and loss and to declare solidarity with all women workers.”

So, even though it is necessary to continue the search for lost memories, what is certain is that a whole cycle of struggle, in a era of great social transformation until the first decades of XX century, made International Woman’s Day the symbol of women’s active participation in the struggle for changes in their lives and in society.

We therefore celebrate on a yearly basis, as our ancestors did, our initiatives and conquests, evaluating our struggles and updating our agenda of struggles for the equality between men and women and for a world where all can live with dignity.

How radical is youth? - CCF 1935

From the Research Bureau of the Saskatchewan CCF, September 1935.



Link to PDF of document here.

Friday, March 5, 2010

Socialism in the 21st Century: A Model with Changeable Pieces

What does 21st-century socialism consist of? Is it only a slogan or a dream that can be turned into a reality? Last century’s socialism has bequeathed this new one a logbook, with certain qualities that 21st-century socialism must acknowledge, embracing some, correcting others, and avoiding still others completely. The fast-changing times we live in today will necessarily make this model a puzzle we can put together and take apart.

By Juan Carlos Monedero
 
Read this article at ecosocialism canada.

Thursday, March 4, 2010

Honouring Our Activists

Regina Celebrates Canadian Dimension
By Joyce Green, Phil Hansen and Jim McCrorie
Canadian Dimension, Jan\Feb 2009

Often the politics of the Left are driven by crisis and committment, and in the process of organizing and analyzing we neglect the human need to build community, have fun and celebrate our successes and our heroes. In an attempt to redress this, on Ocotber 18 a committee convened as Canadian Dimension - Regina, consisting of Jim McCrorie, Phil Hansen and Joyce Green, organized Honouring Our Activists, an event that combined music, food, poetry, solidarity and fun with presentations of honours to seven notable Saskatchewan activists. The event was a success - sold out. It certainly raised Canadian Dimension's profile - and raised some money, as well.

Folks came in from the Swift Current area, Moose Jaw, Saskatoon and Regina. The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, represenation from the Grain Services Union and the Saskatchewan Union of Nurses, Briarpatch magazine, Rock the Boat Books and the Canadin Centre for Policy Alternatives were all present. We were fortunate to have he company of Jim Struthers, who in his eighties holds one of Dimensions oldest subscriptions.

Success was due in no small aprt to the cohort of young volunteers who ran the bar, did the set-up  and clean-up of the hall, and brought new energy into the Dimension circle. Special recognition goes to Mike Radmacher, Trevor Holloway and Nicole Leah - and to Ann McCrorie, who designed and produced the programs and certificates for the honourees.

The Luther Bach choir (profiled in CD's July/August 2008 isue), under the direction of Dr. Carl Cherland and with singers Meredith Cherland, Beth Drozda, Hilary Schroeder, Don Waite, Kevin Grant and Rob Pope, performed a special program titled "Songs of Hope and Justice."

Dimension collective member Bernadette Wagner performed several of her powerful, political poems for the event. Cy Gonick delevered the keynote address: "Forty-Five Years of Canadian Dimension."

The Dimension - Regina committee identified the seven honourees from a very long list of worthy activists who have contributed to progressive politics in Saskatchewan.

Doug Cuthand
Doug Cuthand is an independent film producer, director and writer. He is the creator and owner of Blue Hills Productions, an independent television production company with an extensive list of impressive credits. His work focuses on the lives, history and culture of First Nations peoples.

Doug has been active for many years in First Nations politics. He served as executive secretary of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations (FSIN), before being elected vice chief of the FSIN in 1977, a position he held until 1982. He is chairman of the Board of Trustees for the Little Pine First Nation.

Doug is a thoughtful and notable presence in provincial public affairs through newspapers and television. His contributions serve to educate a primarily non-Aboriginal, mostly uniformed audience about issues in Indian Country, thus challenging racism and ignorance and building understanding and empathy. Since 1991, he has written a weekly column for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix and the Regina Leader-Post. Selected columns were republished ina book titled Tapwe: Seleted Columns of Doug Cuthand (Theytus Books, 2005). From 1999 through 1998, he was producer and host of Indigenous Circle on CTV. In 200 and 2005, he was the regional producer of Vision TV's Insight.

His film credits include Aboriginal Waterways; Patrick's Story; Circle of Voices; Donna's Story; Childhood Lost; You're in Our Hearts; Sweetness in Life; Stage, Screen and Reserve; The Life and Times of Gordon Tootoosis; Wheels of Thunder; and For the Love of the Land.

Bev Currie
A retired farmer and rancher from southwest Saskatchewan, Bev Currie is a citizen activist particularly concerned about eco-politics and rural community politics. Bev and two of his brothers were among the few in the province who dared to form a co-operative farm after World War II, on which they grew cereal crops and raised cattle. The Currie farm was and still is a member of the Saskatchewan Federation of Production Co-operatives. Bev served several terms as its president.

As a young farmer, Bev was active in the farmer's movement. His development as a radical and socialist was nutured by his work with the youth sections of the Saskatchewan Farmers Union, where he eventually became the president, and the Co-operative Commoinwelth Federation. He has been a provincial member of the NDP executive and served one term as the provincial party's president. Many will recall his vigorous support for the late Woodrow Lloyd when the former premier, who made medicare possible, was driven from the leadership by the NDP's right-wing. For this, and for Bev's support for the Waffle, he was not flattered with a second term. He has run three times for a seat in the House of Commons - twice for the NDP and once for the Green Party.

Bev is increasingly concerned witht he state of the environment. He became convinced that humans were converting the land, a renewable resource, into its opposite. The development of sustainable alternatives has become a preoccupation for him.

Don Kossick
Don Kossick, a proud son of Moose Jaw's south end, is a well known political activist and long-time community organizer in Saskatchewan, Canada and overseas. From his memorable days as a student radical and activist at the University of Regina, he has worked extensively in community development and the promotion of social justice. He has been an active participant in many of the nation's social movements, including those for students, farmers, workers, women and aboriginal peoples. He remains a resolute promoter of human rights and environmental sustainability.

He is currently a board member of Quint Develpment Corporation and the Station 20 West revitaliztion project in Saskatoon's core neighbourhoods. Don has been selected Saskatoon Citizen Activist of the year for three of the past five years by Planet S magazine's public poll. Don is  a prolific writer and has penned numerous articles and commentaries over the years, including contributions to Canadian Dimension and Briarpatch.

He developed and co-ordinates http://www.makingthelinksradio.ca/, a community-radio website dedicated to linking global and local issues from a social-justice perspective. Don also has been working in Mozambique, focusing on the use of community radio as an organizing tool in building healthy communities.

Stacey Lalacher and Greg Hluska
Despite having no exprience in publishing, Stacey Lolacher, then a political-science student at the University of Regina, and Greg Hluska, a U of R graduate in marketing, started Regina Streets magazine for distribution by panhandlers in return for a donation. The idea began as a conversation among friends who sought to put their political theory into practice.

According to Stacey, the magazine has three goals; "First, we want to increase circulation to the point that can give people who would otherwise be pandhandling the chance to gain some financial security through its distribution. Second, we want to educate people about poverty, its causes, its effects and possible solutions. Lastly, we want to build a repository not only of news, but also of scholarly analysis of poverty and related issues." The motivation is the elimination of poverty.

Greg and Stacey are models of solidarity, vision and committed activism. If young people like these two take over the world, our future is in good hands.

Bonnie Morton
Bonnie Morton, a Regina resident, has lived most of her life and raised her son in poverty. For the past 21 years she has worked as an anti-poverty aadvocate with the Regina Anti-Poverty Ministry; has served as president of the National Anti-Poverty Organization; as chair of the Regina John Howard Society; and as president of the Core Community Group.

Bonnie is currently chairperson of the Charter Committee on Poverty Issues; chair of the Equality Advisory Committee of the Court Challenges Program; and board member of the Court Program. She has received the Keith Couse Award for social-justice work, the YWCA Women of Distinction Award, the International Helen Prize for humanitarian service, the Saskatchewan Centennial Medal and the Elizabeth Fry Society's Rebel with a Cause Award.

Bonnie holds a Bachelor of Human Justice degree and is working toward her master's degree in Justice Studies at the University of Regina.

Lorna Standingready
Lorna J. Standingready was born and raised on the Peepeekisis Reserve. Her parents died when she was young, and she became the foster child of Keith and Doris McKeechie. Lorna raised seven children, who now have families of their own.

Lorna survived ten years of residential schoolls to go on to university studies. While in residential schools, her love of learning and gifts for art and music were recognized with awards and certificates. She excelled at the Saskatchewan Indian Federated College, University of Regina, holds a Bachelor of Administration (2000) and is presently working on a master's degree in Human Resource Development.

Lorna is the recipient of the Saskathcewan Indian Women's Association Appreciation Award, and in 2005 she recieved the Saskatchewan Jubilee Award. She has also been involved in the women's movement, health and child welfare programs and, as of 2008, with the John Howard Society. For many years Lorna has also been active in many roles with the NDP, serving as secretary to the party's Aboriginal People's Commission and a s vice president of the provincial NDP from 2001 to 2007.

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Saskatchewan’s psychedelic past

The province was once a major centre for psychiatry research with drugs like LSD and mescaline
By Rory Maclean
The Sheaf

When most people think of LSD, the first thing to come to mind is more likely a hippie love-in rather than a therapeutic drug, but for several decades in Saskatchewan, LSD was part of the new cutting edge of drug therapy.

Experiments that took place in Saskatoon and at the Weyburn mental hospital radically expanded the field of psychiatry and were a notable part of the shift from a focus on psychoanalysis to cognitive science, driven by drug therapy.

Shortly after the Second World War, British psychiatrist Humphrey Osmond began studying LSD, perceiving a similarity between the effects of LSD and the early stages of schizophrenia. His work was not well accepted in England, but in 1951 Osmond accepted a position at the Weyburn mental hospital where he met some like-minded researchers.

They began first by experimenting on themselves with psychedelic drugs, including mescaline and LSD-25. Osmond, along with Abram Hoffer, the superintendent of the Weyburn mental hospital, and others such as Duncan Blewett felt that in order to treat schizophrenia they had to know what the experience of it was like.

Given that LSD seemed to mimic the effects of the early stages of schizophrenia, Osmond and his contemporaries reasoned that perhaps schizophrenia was caused by a chemical imbalance in the brain.

Hoffman encouraged the budding new field of experimentation in his hospital and the researchers received a number of grants from Tommy Douglas’s Cooperative Commonwealth Federation governent (the precursor to the New Democratic Party).

They were opening the field of drug therapy but, according to University of Saskatchewan history of psychiatry researcher Erika Dyck, they still tended to engage in psychoanalysis.

They did, however, distinguish themselves from the psychoanalysts, who they considered to be “dogmatic therapists largely concerned with treating middle-class patients,” says Dyck.

In her paper “Land of the Living Sky with Diamonds,” Dyck argues that these radical experiments were happening at a time when the social and political landscape of Saskatchewan was also changing dramatically.

“Individuals involved in LSD research acknowledged the importance of place in terms of the supportive research environment, the optimistic intellectual atmosphere, and the receptive medical community,” she writes.

At that time, the controls on drug experimentation were minimal compared to today. Chemicals were supplied with little hesitation.

Osmond was even responsible for administering author Aldous Huxley with the dose of mescaline that led him to write The Doors of Perception, an enthusiastic description of his experience.

Osmond experimented with many chemicals but LSD became the drug of choice because it is potent in extremely small doses — mere micrograms — and it was available for free from Swiss chemical supplier Sandoz. The economical nature of LSD also made the CCF government more open to financially supporting its research.

Perhaps the best known LSD research at the Weyburn hospital was the experimention on alcoholics. Hoffer and Osmond began using LSD on patients to simulate delirium tremens — a potentially lethal state of agitated delirium suffered by chronic consumers of alcohol.

Since this treatment was not envisioned as a therapy — thereby replacing alcohol with LSD — it relied on administering patients with a single mega-dose of between 200 and 1,500 micrograms, says Dyck.

For comparison, a typical tab of LSD blotter today contains around 30 to 90 micrograms. A threshold dose is about 20 micrograms.

The researchers lauded their form of shock-therapy as successful, claiming a 50 per cent recovery rate for the length of the post-treatment study period.

“Patients in the initial study were chronic alcoholics in the Saskatchewan Mental Hospital in Weyburn. Following the LSD treatment, the male patient stopped drinking and remained sober for at least six months, at which point the follow-up study ended. The female patient continued drinking after the experiment but stopped during the follow-up period,” Dyck writes.

Hoffer later rejected the theory that they were simulating delirium tremens and speculated that it was more likely the self-reflective experience of LSD that convinced alcoholics to stop drinking.

Blewett, the founding chairman of the U of S psychology department, also argued that LSD was effective in treating alcoholism because it allowed patients to look within themselves.

“Other methods frequently produced dependence, whether on a chemical or a psychotherapeutic relationship, and did little to assist the patient in resurrecting self-control,” said Dyck.

Critics have since rejected these experiments for their lack of controlled trials, but the work begun by Osmond, Hoffer and Blewett has contributed to the conception of alcoholism as a bio-chemical disease, and one that can be treated.
Psychiatry was a different world during this time, as evidenced by the researchers’s psychedelic experiments, which would be difficult to attempt today.

“It strikes me that the layers of regulation and bureaucracy are much thicker today,” said Dyck.

Experimentation with new psychiatric drugs has become much more tightly controlled by legislation, ethics boards and ethicists, she said.
By 1968, LSD had become a controlled substance in Canada and the U.S., severely restricting its use.

“I think that the media had a lot to do with it,” said Dyck.

Many publications were blaming the growing student protest movement on the use of psychedelic drugs and the rise of psychedelic celebrities like Timothy Leary.

Leary, a former Harvard-based psychologist, was expelled from his position for freely giving away LSD to community residents. He later travelled across California offering LSD as a new form of consciousness expansion with the slogan, “Turn on, tune in, drop out.”

According to Dyck, this contributed to the idea that LSD was over-hyped.

“There was too much hype. It was almost caught up in a placebo type (of effect),” she said.

Osmond had left the Saskatchewan Mental Hospital by the early 1960s and Hoffer resigned in 1967, but by that time he had moved from psychedelics to experiments with high doses of vitamins. The Weyburn mental hospital was demolished in 2008, after the facility had essentially been closed for a decade.

Sunday, February 28, 2010

Report on Rebuiding the Left: Reflections from the Waffle

Below is a summary from the Rebuilding the Left conference held on January 30 in Regina. Participants will be receiving further information by the end of the month.



PDF of report here.

Saturday, February 27, 2010

Regina Riot: Police infiltrators revealed

By Heather Polischuk, Leader-Post

On July 1, 1935, a public meeting in Regina's Market Square erupted in chaos.

In what came to be known as the Regina Riot, police fired bullets and tear gas into the crowd while the crowd responded with smashed windows and counterattacks on police. When the dust settled, Regina city police Det. Charles Millar lay dead while dozens more city and RCMP officers were injured.

Meanwhile, On-to-Ottawa Trekker Nick Schaack was taken to hospital with what would later prove to be a fatal head injury. Numerous Trekkers and even Regina residents who'd just come for the meeting were also injured.

University of Regina history professor Bill Brennan says while the event left no real long-term impact on the city, it was nonetheless a key moment in Regina's history. Brennan was scheduled to speak on Thursday about the On-to-Ottawa Trek and the riot during the RCMP Heritage Centre's Speakers' Series.

"It seems appropriate," he said of the talk's location during a Thursday morning interview. "The Mounted Police were involved in the events I'm going to talk about tonight, and here we are holding it in the museum that recognizes the history of the RCMP."

Although many have a basic knowledge of the Regina Riot, or at least have heard of it, Brennan said there are aspects of the event that are less well-known.

"All of what's been written about the On-to-Ottawa Trek and the Regina Riot have approached these events as part of the nation's history, and that's certainly true," he said. "At the same time though, these young men were here for (about) three weeks ... in the summer of 1935. So it's an important episode in Regina's history, too, and one that hasn't been written about nearly as much as the national story, and so I thought that would be an interesting approach to take in giving the talk."

Brennan gathered information from a number of sources, including a recently declassified RCMP file on the riot, which includes information on why police decided to disrupt the meeting when and how they did.

A possible answer emerged in those documents. Brennan said a private detective employed by the CPR had managed to infiltrate the Trekkers and found information the group was planning "a big event (in Regina) to draw attention to their plight" on July 2.

"We don't know what it might have been," Brennan said, although he added it might have mirrored actions they'd taken in other cities -- the occupying of businesses in a bid for relief. "Were they going to try to seize Hotel Saskatchewan, for example? ... We don't know, but certainly there's some indication from this (RCMP) file that there was a reason, in (the RCMP's) mind anyway, why it was important to move quickly before the Trekkers did something dramatic."

The Red and Green Pony

Milton Acorn's "The Red and Green Pony"
by Ron Dart
The Clarion Journal of Spirituality and Justice

The Red and Green Pony is one of the most important Canadian political parables, and it was written in the 1950s by Milton Acorn. The tale is a well told political fable that records and anticipates much that was about to unfold in the latter half of the 20th century. The leading protagonist is Tommy, and there can be no doubt that Tommy Douglas (the father of universal public healthcare in Canada, voted ‘The Greatest Canadian’ in the 20th century in a CBC survey in 2004 and still on secret and classified files of the RCMP and CSIS) is the leading historic actor in the story. Acorn was holding Douglas high in a time when most reviled, opposed and sought to topple Douglas through a variety of questionable means. Douglas, for those who do not know, was the father-in-law of Donald Sutherland and the grandfather of Kiefer Sutherland.

Read the full article here.

Friday, February 26, 2010

The Nuclear Debate in Saskatchewan Across the Generations

Campion College Environmental Sustainability Committee presents:

"The Nuclear Debate in Saskatchewan Across the Generations"
with Jim Harding, Brett Dolter and Katherine Arbuthnott

Monday March 1, 7:30 PM
Campion College Chapel, 2nd Floor
Regina